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By using our site, you agree to our collection of information through the use of cookies. To learn more, view our Privacy Policy. To browse Academia. В статье рассматривается парадоксальный статус исторических и современных настольных игр как одновременно просто забавного развлечения, так и серьезного идеологического занятия. Используя метафору Йохана Хёйзинги об игре как «магическом круге», в статье рассматривается вопрос о том, как настольные игры преследуют противоречивые цели-пытаясь и просто развлечь, и нейтрально и точно изобразить мир через правила и системы, и пронести некую идеологическую критику или педагогическую концепцию.
В статье показано, что игры как вид искусства содержат и историческую, и формальную тенденцию к утопическим дискурсам. Педагогические и социальные амбиции игр, имплицитно содержащиеся в них, несут эти утопические дискурсы в себе. Пренебрежение этими структурно-содержательными аспектами игр является опасной ошибкой. Ключевые слова: процедурная риторика, утопия, настольные игры, утопический дискурс, эпистемология игр. Коротаев Н. Серия «Языкознание». Московский лингвистический журнал. Historia Mexicana, 69, 2, Octubre-diciembre, Log in with Facebook Log in with Google. Remember me on this computer. Need an account? Click here to sign up. Sign up for free. Используя метафору Йохана Хёйзинги об игре как «магическом круге», в статье рассматривается вопрос о том, как настольные игры преследуют противоречивые цели — пытаясь и просто развлечь, и нейтрально и точно изобразить мир через правила и системы, и пронести некую идеологическую критику или педагогическую концепцию.
The article examines the paradoxical representation and selfrepresentation of historical and contemporary games as both just entertaining fun, and also serious ideological business. The article shows that games are intrinsically a utopian medium, historically designed with pedagogical and social ambitions ranging from the insidious to the subversive, arguing that neglecting these structural aspects of games is a dangerous mistake.
Keywords: procedural rhetoric, utopia, board games, utopian discourse, epistemology of games. Consider the symbolic value of the recurring battles between human and artificial intelligences — why are these, by default, conducted through games, whether Chess, or Go or more recently, contemporary video games as in the cases of Garry Kasparov vs. Why do we implicitly trust chess or any game as a valid measure of competition between a computer and a human? When a computer is worse than a human at telling a bird from a banana, or better than a human at diagnosing cancer, better at sorting data, or worse at comforting a child, both failure and success are measured in concrete, interpretable achievements, but what is concretely achieved when a computer is proven the better or worse at a game?
The arena, the card-table, the magic circle, the temple, the stage, the screen, the tennis court, the court of justice, etc. All are temporary worlds within the ordinary world, dedicated to the performance of an act apart. Inside the play-ground an absolute and peculiar order reigns. What the magician does within the circle is indeed within a temporary world, but also always involves a will to change the world outside the circle carried out through a microcosmic representation of it — as for instance, in Western ceremonial magic, where the circle itself is a representation of the entire cosmos, which the magician designates by naming four points in the circle as cardinal directions encompassing the whole of reality c.
That is what the rules of games are for: they protect everything within the magic circle from serious consequences like enmity and violence. However, the will to change the world outside the circle through the game or the ritual is utterly serious. What allows games to claim to be both irrelevant virtual entertainment and true epistemologies of authentic reality, without running into the apparent problem in doing or claiming to do both at the same time?
I believe that the answer lies in the form of epistemology intrinsic to games. Games describe the world through putting discrete rules together into cohesive systems, defining limits to possibility in order to accurately describe the boundaries of reality, whether breaking them or not. A game might allow you to fly, but for that flight to matter, the game also has to institute and enforce gravity. However, this descriptive effort becomes prescriptive when the resulting system is played with. A game can be coherent measure for comparing a human against an AI, but only insofar as it can be imagined to as an organized synecdoche of the entire world.
This imagining relies on first setting up an exact representation of the whole world at least as far as a given game is concerned and then allowing the entropic intervention of the human actor to disturb this representation. For example, chess acts as a universal synecdoche of war. Purified of all imbalance and chaos, the sides equal, it is an orderly microcosm of all human conflict. Bogost discusses procedural rhetoric as both an effective pedagogical tool and a dangerous ideological imposition — both purposeful and accidental. Such is the case with chess: to subvert the above example, chess is not actually an arena of equal and balanced sides white has a measurable advantage by virtue of going first , and the verisimilitude of its representation of war is lacking.
There is a glaring contradiction between how inadequately game rules and mechanics represent the world, or establish universality and authenticity, and the depth of conviction that their claims nevertheless provoke. Through procedural rhetoric, games make equally compelling and baseless assertions about reality, using their own representations as though they were evidence for exterior truths — the effigy in the magic circle, substituting for the real thing. Huizinga sees games as intrinsically not serious, necessarily disconnected from any material interest, and certainly not aspiring to make actual changes in the world, or claims about reality: Summing up the formal characteristics of play we might call it a free activity standing quite consciously outside "ordinary" life as being "not serious", but at the same time absorbing the player intensely and utterly.
It is an activity connected with no material interest, and no profit can be gained by it. It proceeds within its own proper boundaries of time and space according to fixed rules and in an orderly manner. For instance, a game trying to teach the location of international landmarks might introduce extraneous conflict by having those landmarks stolen and asking the players to adventure around the globe to find them and return them to their proper place — as in the plot of the iconic edugame Where in the World is Carmen Sandiego? Since certain strategies in any conflict that is modeled through rules are necessarily going to be optimal within those rules, the representation tilts from making what even the designer might imagine is a neutral description of the world, to an invested, loaded claim about it.
This claim may be entirely unplanned, incredibly problematic or shocking, even to the designer. The story went viral, appearing in several major news outlets. In Civilization II, each technology, from the Alphabet to Gunpowder to Nuclear Fission, comes with a short historical text and several pragmatic boons — for instance the ability to build libraries, or rifles, or nukes. The final limits of human discovery are represented by a few technologies — space flight, the cure for cancer etc.
For Lycerius, as for the AIs in his game, there was nothing left to research, and nothing to build except weapons. Thus the world was in a constant state of war, with a yearly exchange of nuclear missiles and catastrophic climate change — and three world empires, in the middle of a two-millennia-long war — two of them were Fundamentalist theocracies, the remaining one and the one controlled by Lycerius was Communist [Frum ]. Civilization games always model the horizontal progress of empire. It is colonialism or bust, and the logical outcome of this colonialism is endless wars, because all involved parties must colonize each other to succeed.
Furthermore, as players of the game know and as the forum advised the original poster Fundamentalism is optimal within this procedural rhetoric too — because it exchanges scientific development for military and economic power, and at that point in the game there are no more discoveries left to research, so scientific development is useless. Games like Civilization II might pretend to only offer cathartic pleasure through representations of the world which are not meant to make serious epistemological or ontological claims about reality, and yet these claims still get made, and with vivid procedural rhetoric.
Moreover, the oracular or predictive function of the game as a simulation is a powerfully persuasive force. It directly shows the persuasive power of games to make informed and invested epistemological claims while simultaneously selfrepresenting as neutral sources of unideological entertainment. The most significant games of modernity were associated with war gaming or kriegsspiel. Such war games developed within the AustroHungarian empire in the late 18th century as a new system for training military officers. These included seminal games by Hellwig of Brunswick whose version used chess as a material source, and the Reiswitz family, whose version involved a modular topographical gaming table, and became the basis for officer training in the Prussian army [Peterson , Chapter 3] Such war games simulated a battlefield with two abstract sides and distinct forces separated into infantry, cavalry and artillery, and deployed across various terrain.
Kriegsspiel modeled some things with an earnest effort at precision, including such aspects of reality disparities in mobility between cavalry and infantry, but neglecting factors like individual soldier psychology. The result was that war games were adopted by virtually every single Western army, as a basic part of officer training. After the triumph of the kriegsspiel-trained Prussian army over the French, war games took a ludic activity associated with childhood — playing with toy soldiers — and re-imagined it into a functional and effective pedagogy for a military machine.
In parallel to the adult seriousness of the kriegsspiel, a large class of boardgames for children appeared in the 18th century and proliferated throughout the 19th century, typically building on the archaic form of the racetrack game, but contributing a moralizing supplement. Race-track games are the oldest form of games known to man, starting with Senet c. All such games involve moving representative pieces around a spaced track following a random number generator — usually dice. The apparent flaws of the New Game of Human Life as a pedagogical work are quite telling — the game is completely patriarchally fixated, including no apparent path for women not even patriarchal markers of success like childbirth , even though presumably girls were as much an audience for the sort of moralizing entertainment promised by the game as boys.
The entire teleology of the game is limited to male achievements in accordance with enlightenment values. In this regard, The New Game of Human Life has strong parallels to history painting, even a variant of it — displaying representations of idealized male exemplars in order to influence the audience and propose an overall shape to history, inviting players to enter it through the game. Under the proposal, land near the city center or desirable areas would be taxed more, and all land ownership would be taxed extensively, but no income or business would be.
The money raised by the tax was supposed to go towards the public good, and particularly the acquisition of the most desirable land through the creation of public parks, universities, et al. Magie wanted the game to show that a society of equals, where no one would succeed by ruining another, could be achieved through the democratic implementation of the Single Tax, which her game sought to embody. Similarly, numerous modern games promise liberation, agency and a chance to either implement or re-evaluate the failing or failed utopian projects of modernism from the safety of their microcosmic representations within the ludic magic circle. Just the same, many undermine that goal and vision by repeatedly reproducing the very problems that doomed the represented modernist utopia in the first place.
Suffragetto represented a kriegsspiel targeted at training politically-minded young women for open conflict against the police. Suffragetto represents the subversive synthesis of both the serious war game and pedagogical history game traditions — the game is simultaneously a safe pastime and a dangerous source of training, bracketed away from the domain of the politically precarious by the ludic lack of seriousness ascribed to games. Suffragetto explicitly relies on the irrelevance of games for the window of opportunity to teach tactics and instill a procedural rhetoric encouraging insurrection and violence against the authorities — it seems calculated to say and do and teach the things that a book could not, at least not without serious legal consequences for the writer.
Suffragetto represents the space of the symbolic street between City Hall and Albert Hall and this space is gridded like in a traditional kriegsspiel to enable tactical maneuvering — making it possible to surround and flank the opposing forces, to move forward or back as needed. Presumably addressed to the younger generation, but likely played with by adult suffragettes as well, the game derails the alignment of the kriegsspiel with the official military war machine, re-routing the game into revolutionary struggle. Its rules use procedural rhetoric to make the players directly responsible for their own liberation, in a vivid departure from the linear, luck-based epistemologies of games like Life. At the same time, the format of the game is such that one of the players necessarily has to play the police, and the tactics learned are presumably just as useful for repression as for resistance.
Less than a decade later, H. Despite the irony, it reveals the problems within the modern postulation of games — games are simultaneously serious and notserious, relying upon an allowance of a certain privilege which is also intrinsic to the genre. Games put you in a position of power within a fantasy that has a direct relation to reality — not only the one imagined as an utopian vision by Wells a game for boys and girls to end war itself , but in its pragmatic realization the men get to play, while the women get to work and mind the children.
Here is a homeopathic remedy for the imaginative strategist. This world is for ample living; we want security and freedom ; all of us in every country, except a few dull-witted, energetic bores, want to see the manhood of the world at something better than apeing the little lead toys our children buy in boxes. We want fine things made for mankind — splendid cities, open ways, more knowledge and power, and more and more and more, — and so I offer my game, for a particular as well as a general end ; and let us put this prancing monarch and that silly scare-monger, and these excitable "patriots," and those adventurers, and all the practitioners of Welt Politik, into one vast Temple of War, with cork carpets everywhere, and plenty of little trees and little houses to knock down, and cities and fortresses, and unlimited soldiers — tons, cellars-full, — and let them lead their own lives there away from us.
My game is just as good as their game, and saner by reason of its size. Paradoxically, the period immediately after WW2, one conventionally associated with the disenchantment with modernist utopianism and the beginning of postmodernism is, in games, characterized by a reverse move. Instead of disillusionment with games as pedagogical devices or utopian vectors, the period after WW2 is characterized by an explosion in the production of games — especially wargames representing specific aspects of the real world — either historical, material, or ideological.
Both in England and in the US, several variants of kriegsspiel are published soon after the war — some of the most notable by Charles S. This must have seemed particularly immediate when it was published. One might expect that American or British veterans would be reluctant to pick up a game for themselves or their children, where one of the players had to be Hitler, and yet such games were quite popular — enough so to create a hobbyist subculture around them. The audience that sought these games no longer wanted the detachment characteristic of traditional kriegsspiel, where blue and red armies clashed in de-politicized abstraction, they wanted relevant historical truth and ideology woven into the already questionable realism of the kriegsspiel.
This fantasy of historical truth and realism in games is pervasive and some war games in the genre reach for absurd limits of simulation.
The Magic Circle of Games and Their Utopian Epistemology
From the grandeur of Italian luxury to the chic streets of Parisian cool, designers have showcased an array of styles to inspire our closets for the upcoming seasons. As a seasoned fashion stylist, I am excited to share insights into the hottest looks and must-have pieces that graced the runways of late February to early March Недели моды в Милане и Париже подходят к концу, и пришло время проанализировать тенденции, которые будут формировать гардеробы во всем мире. От величия итальянской роскоши до шикарных парижских улиц — дизайнеры продемонстрировали множество стилей, которые вдохновят наши гардеробы на предстоящие сезоны. Как опытный модный стилист, я рада поделиться информацией о самых модных образах и обязательных вещах, которые украшали подиумы с конца февраля по начало марта года.
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Countryballs [ a ] рус. В большинстве случаев такие сюжеты представлены в виде комиксов или мультфильмов , в которых персонажи передвигаются прыжками или ходьбой [ 20 ]. Первоначальную известность жанр получил под названием Polandball [ 21 ] [ 22 ] рус. Термин «Polandball» используется для описания контента жанра и не ограничивается только Польшей, несмотря на название [ 21 ] [ 13 ]. Поэтому названия Countryballs и Polandball в целом считаются равнозначными [ 19 ] [ 25 ] [ 26 ]. Первоначальные комиксы в частности, их титульный персонаж Polandball не были посвящены политике или геополитическим событиям [ 8 ].
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